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MAIN 


B  3  S3fl  023 


Pam 


• 


Horace  Greeley's  Views  on  Virginia, 


AND 


WHAT  HE  KNOWS  ABOUT  THE  SOUTH— SLAVE-BREED- 
ING  — MIXED    SCHOOLS— MISCEGENATION— MAKING 
SECTIONAL   WAR— KANSAS    AND    THE   SOUTH— 
FAVORING  SECESSION— LETTING  "THE  ERR 
ING  SISTERS  GO"— CONFISCATION,  RAPINE, 
AND  RAVAGE-SLAVE  INSURRECTIONS 
—SUPPORTING  GENERAL  BUTLER'S 
NEW  ORLEANS  ORDER— THE  KU- 
KLUX   TRIALS,    &c.,    &c.,    &c. 


Wiieu  Mr.  Greeley  wrote  his  account  of 
'TheAmericantomflict,"  be  stated  in  the 
preface  that  he  had  made  frequent  and  copi 
ous  citations  from  tetters  ancl  other  docu 
ments,  because  he  "could  only  thus  present 
the  views  of  political  antagonists  in  terms 
which  they  must  recognize  and  respect  as 
authentic."  He  also  declared  that  history  is 
recorded  in  the  journals  of  our  country  more 
fully  than  elsewhere.  It  may  then  be  as 
sumed  that  the  authentic  views  of  Mr.  Gree- 
ley  are  to  be  found  in  the  editorial  columns 
of  the  New  York  Tribune,  over  which  he 
had  entire  control,  from  the  establishment  of 
the  paper,  in  1851,  until  aftor  his  nnminatiou 
at  Cincinnati,  and  in  which  he  invariably  re 
pudiated  any  statement  which  he  was  un 
willing  to  indorse  that  had  found  its  way 
into  the  columns  for  wfcich  he  held  himself 
responsible.  The  fallowing  extracts  from 
the  editorial  columns  of  the  Tribune  must, 
consequently,  be  regarded  as  accurate  and 
fair  statements  of  Mr.  Greeley's  views.  Mr. 
Greeley  appears  to  have  had  an  especial 
antipathy  toward  Yfrghria,  as  displayed  in 
articles  like  the  ftrflowiog: 

"There  stands  the  South— look  at  herl 
Virginia,  the  birthplace  of  Washington, 


to  the  level  of  a  mere  negro-breeding  terri 
tory,  and  those  slaves  the  raost  valuable  that 
have  the  largest  mixture  of  the  blood  of  the 
first  families.  Gentlemen  of  Virginia  are 
now  engaged  in  rearing  mulattoes  to  be  sold 
and  hunted  by  blood-hounds  as  above  pro- 
iessionally  advertised.  A  white  ruffian  buys 
slaves  within  a  stone's  throw  of  Mount  Ver- 
non  or  Monticeilo  for  a  few  hundred  dollars, 
and  then  further  South  hires  them  out  or 
employs  them,  living  oa  their  labor,  taking 
their  earnings  from  them  by  force  like  a  cow 
ardly  footpad;  disporting  his  aristocracy  at 
the  springs  in  the  summer,  aad  rejoicing  in 
some  shabby  title  of  major,  colonel,  or  gen 
eral—and  this  is  American  Democracy. 

"  This  system,  which  is  only  upheld  by 
one  hundred  and  fifteen  thousand  slave 
owners—  tne  oaa  eignt  Hundred  thousand  or 
one  million  of  adult  male  wtutes  ii  the  South 
not  owning  slaves—  must  not  only  be  ac 
cepted  and  approved  by  the  mechanics  and 
laborers  of  the  North,  but  we  must  consent 
and  assist  in  its  extension  and  perpetuation. 
It  must  be  the  shibboleth  of  all  political  en- 
ioyment  and  aspiration;  of  present  advan 
tage  and  future  glory/'—  Prom 
York  Tribune  of  March  7, 


MIXED  60HOOI& 

Mr.  Greeley's  sympathy  Cos  the  colored 
people  is  not  to  be  woodered  a«,  aa  it  appears 
from  the  following  article,  addressed  to  the 
editor  of  a  Virginia  paper,  that  be  went  to 


T 


school  with  black  children,  sat  on  the  same 
bench  and  recited  in  the  same  class  with 
them: 

"We  have  already  assured  the  Virginian 
that  the  editor  of  this  journal  went  to  the 
same  common  school  with  black  children, 
not  for  a  few  days5  but  for  three  winters;  sat 
on  the  same  bencb,  and  recited  in  the  same 
classes  with  them,  and  received  no  possible 
damage  thereiroui.  Why  not  take  notice  of 
this  assurance?  And  we  know  of  no  rural 
school  district  in  New  England  from  whose 
school  colored  children  are  excluded.  "—From 
ths  2IT.  T.  Tribune  of  January  16, 1872, 

SOCIAL  EQUALITY  AND  AMALGAMATION. 

Mr.  Greeley  has  not  only  advocated  "equal 
ity  before  the  law,"  but  he  has  virtually  ar 
rayed  himself  as  achampionof  "social equal 
ity"  and  of  "miscegenation,"  as  the  follow 
ing  extracts  show. '  They  are  in  plain  Eng 
lish,  and  can  not  be  misunderstood: 

!:Aman  proud  of  his  purse  may  scorn  a 
poor  negro  as  he  would  a  poor  white  man. 
A  man  systematically  acquiescent  in  the 
wrongs  and  cruelties  of  society  may  shun  a 
negro  as  he  would  any  unpopular  white.  A 
man  who  has  himself  been  underestimated, 
may  be  jealous  of  any  attempt  to  do  justice 
to  others.  But  we  must  insist  that  all  this 
settles  nothing  except  our  human  inhuman 
ity — except  that  in  spite  of  our  religious  pro 
fessions  we  do  not  dwell  together  as  breth 
ren,  except  that  w,e  do  not,  in  spite  of  our 
Bibles,  believe  that  God  has  made  all  men  of 
one  blood. 

"It  is  hard  to  decide  how  long  this  preju 
dice  may  continue  to  influence  society;  and 
it  will  probably  continue  to  be  felt  long  after 
all  traces  of  it  have  disappeared  from  the 
statute  books  of  all  the  States.  But  this  thing 
is  certainly  clear— that  under  the  Constitu 
tion,  in  its  most  liberal  interpretation,  and 
admitting  Our  cherished  American  doctrine 
of  equal  human  rights,  if  a  white  man  pleases 
to  marry  a  black  woman,  the  mere  fact  that 
she  is  black  gives  no  one  a  right  to  interfere 
to  prevent  or  set  aside  such  marriage.  Wo 
do  not  say  that  such  a  union  would  be  wise, 
but  we  do  distinctly  assert  that  society  has 
nothing  to  do  with  the  wisdom  of  matches, 
and  that  we  shall  have,  to  the  end  of  the 
chapter,  a  great  many  foolish  ones  which 
laws  are  powerless  to  prevent.  We  do  not 
say  that  sucn  nautuues  would  be  moral,  hut 
wo  do  declare  that  they  would  be  infinitely 
more  so  than  the  promiscuous  concubinage 
which  has  so  longsharaf-lessly  prevailed  upon 
the  Southern  plantations.  If  a  man  can  so 
i'ar  conquer  his  repugnance  to  a  black  wo 
man  as  to  make  her  the  mother  of  his  chil 
dren,  we  ask,  in  the  name  of  the  divine  law  and 
of  decency,  WHY  HE  SHOULD  NOT  MABRY 
HER?  We  are  not  in  favor  of  any  law  com 
pelling  a  Copperhead  to  marry  a  negress,  un 
less  under  circumstances  which  might  com 
pel  him  to  marry  a  white  woman  or  go  to 
prison;  bnt  we  insist  that  if  the  Copperhead 
or  Anybody  olse  is  anxious  to  enter  into  such 
union  it  is  not  for  the  Legislature  to  forbid 


him,  or  for  his  fellow  creatures  to  pronounce 
him  a  molato  r  of  the  law  of  nature  and  God." ~ 
From  the  Now  York  Tribune  of  March  16, 
1864. 

"  If  by  'amalgamation '  is  meant  the  inter- 
mingling  *f  the  white  and  black  races,  and  if 
the  question  be,  '  Do  you  consider  this  ad 
visable  or  desirable?'  our  answer  is,  no,  we 
do  not.  There  seems  to  us  a  natural  repul 
sion  between  whites  and  blacks  which  may 
indeed  be  overborne  or  defied,  but  which 
must  have  been  implanted  for  some  good  end, 
and  which  we  therefore  respect  and  desire  to 
see  respected.  There  will  generally  arise 
quite  enough  provocations  to  difference  In 
the  married  state  without  superadding  this 
(it  seems  to  us)  natural  instinctive  repug 
nance  of  race.  Ilence,  as  a  rule,  we  do  not 
think  the  intermarriage  of  Christians  with 
Jews  advisable;  nor  that  of  Roman  Catholics 
with  Protestants;  nor  even  that  of  sternly  Or 
thodox  with  rationalising  Quakers,  Unitari 
ans,  and  Universalists. 

"We  do  not  say  that  these  differences  of 
creed  are  insuperable  bars  to  marriage,  but 
that  other  things  being  equal,  it  were  better 
to  seek  partners  for  life  among  those  with 
whom  you  have  no  essential  difference  or  dis 
agreement. 

"But if  our  correspondent  means  would 
you  by  law  prohibit  and  punish  intermar 
riages  between  white  and  black  our  answer 
must  be,  *  No,  we  would  not.'  Civil  law  has 
no  warrant  to  interfere  in  matters  of  taste. 
We  should  certainly  advise  no  white  man  to 
marry  a  black,  but  if  such  a  couple  were  re 
solved  to  marry  we  would  interpose  no  legal 
obstacle,  and  desire  none.'* — From  the  New 
York  Iribune  of  July  31, 1865. 

"The  Express  feels  bad  because  the  Trib 
une  discusses  the  question  of  a  mixture  of 
white  and  black  blood,  and  sees  no  objection 
to  treating  a  colored  woman  just  as  if  she 
were  white  in  the  matter  of  seduction,  mar 
riage,  &c.  The  horrible  consequences  of 
black  and  white  mixture  are  doubtless  fear 
ful  here,  but  down  in  Dixie  no  such  qualms 
exist;  there  the  breeding  of  a  brawny  and 
salable  mulatto  boy,  or  of  a  saddle-colored 
girl  for  the  brothels  of  New  Orleans,  is  some 
thing  to  brag  of;  and  many  such  a  boy  and 
many  such  a  prostitute  boasts  the  best  blood 
of  the  chivalry.  When  Richard  H.  Johnson 
married  a  negro  and  raised  a  large  family  by 
her  no  Democratic  stomach  imoLted.  We  have 
among  us  in  this  city  at  this  very  time  the 
luuluttu  daughter  of  Brigadier  General  ttuger 
and  the  mulatto  son  of  Brigadier  General 
Withers,  both  the  fathers  being  now  in  im 
portant  commands  in  the  rebel  army — the 
mothers  undoubtedly  in  slavery  or  the  grave. 
We  have  also  recently  had  slave  children 
here  much  whiter  than  the  editors  of  the 
Express— fair,  blue-eyed  children,  with  bills 
of  sale  in  their  pockets."— From  the  New 
York  Tribune,  March  17, 1864. 

"  Here  is  a  largo  number  of  nearly  white 
children,  of  slave  mothers,  who  have  recently 
been,  and  we  presume  still  are,  presented  to 
audiences  by  tuo  Freedmen'a  Aid  Society  in 
illustration  of  the  need  of  effort  for  the  moral 


and  intellectual  improvement  of  the  freed- 
mea.  Several  of  thorn  are  well-known  chil 
dren  of  rebel  generals  and  statesmen — nol 
one  is  known  or  believed  to  have  had  a  Re 
publican  father.  And  the  fullest  inquiry 
and  scrutiny  will  demonstrate  incontestably 
the  truth  that,  for  every  white  father  of  a 
colored  child  who  sympathizes  with  the 
views  of  the  Tribune  there  are  at  least  one 
hundred  vdio  howl  and  Tjnash  their  teeth 
whenever  tins  journal  is  named,  being  Cop 
perheads  on  this  side  of  the  military  lines 
and  rank  rebels  on  the  oflier. 

"  This  truth  does  not  rest  upon  anti-slavery 
testimony.  Whoever  will  read  Chancellor 
Harper's  Vindication  of  Slavery  will  find 
that  he  admits  the  universality  of  'miscegena 
tion  '  between  the  white  young  men  and  the 
colored  women  of  the  slave  States.  He  rather 
glories  in  this  as  less  corrupting  to  the  young 
slaveholders  than  the  illicit  intercourse  with 
lewd  women  which  prevails  in  non-slave- 
holding  communities.  And  a  sister  of  Presi 
dent  Madison  once  observed,  '  We  Southern 
wives  are  but  the  mistresses  of  seiaglios.' 
We  might  pile  proof  on  proof  of  the  general 
truth  she  there  asserted;  but  the  topic  is  un 
savory,  and  the  fact  perfectly  notorious.  It 
is  written  broadly  on  the  face  of  Southern  so 
ciety,  especially  in  the  great  cities."— From 
the  New  York  Tribune  of  March  23,  1864. 

WHAT  HE  8ATD  ABOUT  FIGHTING  IN  KANSAS. 

Mr.  Greeley  had  always  been  a  professed 
advocate  of  peace,  yet  when  the  struggle  was 
commenced  for  the  possession  of  Kansas,  he 
implored  the  young  men  of  the  North  to  go 
there  and  fight  the  settlers  from  the  South. 

"  Let  the  North  furnish  men  and  money, 
settlers,  and  Sharp's  rifles,  and  these  two  po 
litical  assassins  shatt  be  taught  the  way  of 
liberty  better  than  they  have  ever  yet  learned 
that  lesson.  They  accidentally  wielded  the 
Executive  arm  of  the  National  Government 
to-day,  but  two  years  hrnce  will  see  these 
two  men  subsided  to  their  original  spheres— 
the  one  a  second-rate  Now  Hampshire  poli 
tician,  the  ether  an  ambidexterous,  question 
able  citizen  of  the  still  old  Puritan  town  of 
Newburyport;  their  opinions  and  power  juet 
equal  with  that  of  any  two  average  Yankees 
on  the  street.  Indeed,  that  the  Emigrant 
Aid  Society,  well  backed,  is  more  than  a 
match  for  all  the  pro-slavery  legislation  of 
Congress  and  all  the  Kansas  messages  of  the 
Executive  to  boot.  But  it  must  be  well 
backed,  and  we  trust  its  backers  are  aware 
of  their  elevated  agency  and  ready  for  the 
discharge  of  their  whole  duty.  Give  us,  then, 
men  and  money,  settlers  and  Sh  irp's  rifles, 
and  let  us  see  if  private  associate  enterprise 
in  behalf  of  liberty  is  not  stronger  than  the 
combined  rascah'ty  of  every  branch  of  the 
Government  against  it."— From  the  2few 
York  Tribune  of  February  1, 1850. 

"Pour  into  Kansas,  brave  men  and  true, 
with  your  rifles  in  your  hands,  and  range 
yourselves  on  the  side  of  the  brave  men  there 
already,  who  during  the  past  winter,  hare 
done  and  suffered  so  much  to  maintain  their 


rights  and  yours,  the  -great  Trghlnand  causa 
of  all  the  North-Freedom  for  Kansas-. 


"Young  men  lull  of  ardor, 
thirst  for  action  and  glory,  now  is  yourtimef 
This  is  no  filHbusterin^  expedition,  of  whicU 
the  object  is  to  rob  others.  You  go  only;td 
claim  your  own—  your  own,  guaranteed**^ 
j'ou  by  the  very  provisions  oil  I  lie  Kansas* 
Nebraska  act  itself—  your  quarter  section'of? 
land  and  your  rights  as  a  sovereign  squatter^ 
But  you  go  not  for  yourself  alone,  you^go* 
for  us  all  ;  not  merely  to  claim  your  owa 
land,  and  to  claim  your  individual  rights,  but 
as  the  representatives  of  Freedom  and  the* 
Free  States—  to  reestablish  over  Kansas  and. 
Missouri  Prohibition,  and  to  save  the  North 
ern  States  from  being  first  deluded  and 
cheated  at  Washington  into  accepting  the* 
Squatter  Sovereignty  principle  in  exchange* 
for  the  Missouri  Prohibition.  and  upon  going 
to  Kansas  to  exercise  this  Squatter  Sover 
eignty,  being  kicked  out  of  the  'house  by  the 
Border  Ruffians. 

"As  there  will  be  no  want  of  youug  men  an<J 
true,  with  bold  hearts  and  strong  arms,  to  go* 
upon  this  enterprise,  so  we.  trust  there  will  bo 
no  want  of  money,  which  is  at  once  the  sinew 
of  war  and  the  stimulus  of  peaceful  occupa 
tions.  Those  of  us  who  are  too  old  to  go,  or 
are  detained  hereby  indissoluble  ties  or  other 
duties,  can  freely  contribute  not  only  te  the 
general  funds  of  the  various  emigrant  aid 
societies,  but  to  the  private  outfit  of  worthy 
men  qualified  to  make  good  citizens  in  Kansas. 

"Above  all,  let  there  be  no  kick"  of  arias, 
and  those  of  the  most  efficient  sort.  Plenty* 
of  arms  and  plenty  of  men  to  use  them  are  the 
only  guarantee  against  the  massacre  and  ex 
pulsion  before  tile,  summer  is  over  of  the  free 
Stat6  men  now  in  Kansas.  Nothing  but 
their  Sharpe's  rifles  and  their  courage  pre 
vented  the  massacre  and  expulsion  of  'the 
Lawrence  men  last  winter."—  From  the  New 
York  Daily  Tribune  of  March  7,  ] 

"But  the  mischief  that  is  brewing  ir,  not 
alone  in  Kansas.  There  are  deep-laid  plots 
of  treason  to  freedom  consummating  in 
Washington.  The  arch  disu-nionist,  Jeffer 
son  Davis,  who  signaiizad  his  career  in  the 
Senate  of  the  United  States  by  advocating. 
an  overthrow  of  tho  Oovcrnment  incase  all 
of  our  California  acquisition  below  36°  30r 
was  not  surrendered  to  Slavery  by  special 
stipulation,  aspires  to  the  post  of  Command- 
er-in-Chief  of  the  Army.  He  is  Mr.  Pierce's 
Secretary  of  War,  and  a  leading  man  in  the- 
Cabinet.  Should  he  achieve  his  objoct,  all 
:hat  we  know  of  bis  antecedents  leads  us  to 
believe  that  he  would  not  hesitate  to  use  his 
influence  to  spread  Slavery  in  the  West  and 
STorth  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  and  if  at 
tempts  were  made  to  resist  it  in  any  effective 
manner,  he  would  exert  all  his  power  to  sub 
vert  the  Government.  The  Free  States  are 
surrounded  by  plots  and  toils  and  complica 
tions,  in  respect  to  tho  subjugation  of  this 
jovernment  by  the  slave-holders,  of  which 
;he  people  little  dream.  We  are  approaching 
tho  crisis  which  will  decide  vviiether  Slavery, 
or  Freedom  is  to  mold  tho  destinies  of  Anxer- 
ca."—  From  the  New  York  Tribune  of  . 
~  • 


AND   URGES   PEACEFUL 
SEPARATION. 

.  ^hemthc 'South  began  to  speak  in  earnest 
«|0out -•Secession,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
i|feuthern  Confederacy,  Mr.  Greeley  did  not 
Inissuade  them,  bufe  gave  them  encouraging 
•^aid  *and  comTort,1*'51*  ^^  be  seen  by  the 
following  extract  from  his  paper : 

*s*jA.s  to  Secession*  f  haw  said  repeatedly,  and 
$&'fe -repeal,  ihM+  IP  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE 
ISLAYE  STATES,  oa  OP  THE  COTTON  STATES 

ALONE,  BEALK?  WISH  TO  GET  OUT  OP  THE 

IJNiONj  I  AM  m  FAVOR  OF  LETTING 
tTHEM  OUT,  as.  soon  03  that  remit  can  be 
{peacefully  and  constitutionally  attained.  But 
•their  case  cannot  bo  so  urgent  as  to  require 
that  the  President  and  his  subordinates 
«hould  perjure  themselves  in  deference  to  its 
requirements.  If  they  will  only  be  patient, 
not  rush  to  seizing  Federal  forts,  arsenals, 
armst  and  sub-treasuries,  bat  take,  first,  delib 
erately,  a  fair  vote  fey  ballot  of  their  own  citi- 
aens,  none  being  coerced  or  intimidated,  and 
that  wte  shatt  indicate  a  settled  resolve  TO  GET 
OUT  OF  THE  UNION,  I  WILL  DO  ALL  I 
CAN  TO  HELP  THEM  OUT  at  an  early 
dai/:" — From  the  New  York  Tribune  of  Janu 
ary  21,  1861. 

"  What  I  demand  is  proof  that  the  Southern 
People  really  desire  separation  from  the  Free 
States.  Whenever  assured  that  such  ii  their 
settled  wish,  I  SHALL  JOYFWLLY  CO- 
OEERATE  WITH  THEM  TO  SECURE 
THE  END  THEY  SEEK.  Thus  far  I  have 
Jtiad  evidence  of  nothing  but  a  purpose  to 
twilly  and  coerce  the  North.  Many  of  the 
Secession  emissaries  to  the  Border  Slave 
States  tell  the  people  they  address  that  they 
do  riot  really  mean  to  dissolve  the  Union,  but 
onlyto  secure  what  they  term  their  rights— in 
the  Union.  Now,  as  nearly  all  the  people 
of  the  SlaVe  States  either  are,  or  seem  to  be,  in 
•favor  of  this,  the  present  menacing  front  of 
Secession  proves  nothing  to  the  purpose. 
Maryland  and  Virginia  have  no  idea  of  break 
ing  up  the  Union,  but  they  would  both  dearly 
like  to  bully  the  North  into  a  compromise. 
Their  Secession  demonstrations  prove  just 
this,  and  nothing  more."  —  From,  the  JVew 
York  Tribuno  of  January  21, 1861. 

«•'  We  have  steadfastly  affirmed  and  upheld 
Mr.  Jefferson's  doctrine,  embodied  in  the 
Declaration  of  American  Independence,  of 
.the  Right  of  Revolution.  We  have  insisted 
-that  where  this  right  Is  asserted,  and  its  ex 
ercise  is  properly  attempted,  it  ought  not  to 
be  necessary  to  subject  all  concerned  to  the 
woes  and  horrors  of  civil  war.  In  other 
words,  what  one  party  has  a  right  to  do,  an 
other  can  have  no  right  to  resist.  And  we 
Jiave  urged  that,  Iwtd  the  great  mass  of  the 
Southern  People  really  desired  a  dissolution  of 
•the  1fnion>  and  been  witling  to  exercise  a  rea 
sonable  patience^  their  end  might  have  been  at- 
X-ained  without  devastation  and  carnage:  for 
WE,  with  thousands  more  in  the  North, 

m>ULD  HAVE  DONE  ALL,  IN  OUR  POWER  TO 
'IN.OLINE  OUR  FELLOW- CITIZENS  TO  DEFER 
TO  THEIR  REQUEST  AND  LET  THEM  GO  IN 


PEACE.  Hence  we  have  contended  that  the 
violent,  terrorist,  outrageous  proceedings  of 
the  Southern  Jacobins— their  seizure  of  the 
National  forts,  armories,  arsenals,  sub-treas 
uries,  &c.,  culminating  in  the  bombardment 
of  Fort  Surnter— were  not  inexcusable  in 
themselves,  but  signally  calculated  to  de 
feat  the  end  they  professed  to  have  in 
view.  Take  the  ease,  of  our  own  Pacific  Em 
pire  as  a  further  illustration.  No  doubt,  the 
People  of  California  and  Oregon  are  to-day 
loyal  and  fervent  in  their  devotion  to  the 
Union.  But  they  are  mainly  natives  of  the 
Atlantic  or  Gulf  States — » bone  of  our  bone 
and  flesh  of  our  flesh*— and  their  loy 
alty  is  a  matter  of  education,  of  feeling, 
and  of  habit.  Fifty  years  ken«j,  when  our 
Pacific  coast  shall  have  a  population  of  ten 
or  twelve  millions,  mainly  born  on  that  slope, 
it  will  ba  very  different.  Now,  should  the 
time  arrive  in  our  day  when  the  great  body 
of  the  People  of  our  Pacific  States  shall  say 
deliberately,  kindly,  firnxly,  to  those  this  side 
of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  'You  are  stronger 
than  we— older,  more  wealthy,  more  power 
ful — but  ws  ask  yo'U  to  lei,  us  go:  for  we  believe 
we  can  do  better  by  oursdws  than  with  you — 
WE  shall  respond,  and  urge  others  to  respond, 
'Go  in  peact,  and  Heaven's  bUssing  attend  you.' 
We  believe  tlfat  is  the  sight,  the  wise,  the 
Christian  answer  to  sucti  a  request,  and  that 
the  world  will  yet  percf&JB  and  recognize  the 
truth."— From  the  Jfeio  York  Tribune  of  May 
14,  1862. 

But  when  the  North  rose  up  in  arms  Mr. 
Greeley  then  asserted :  "The  Union  can  not 
be  dissolved."  He  was  also  ferocious  in  his 
denunciations  against  the  very  people  for 
whom  he  had  expressed  so  much  sympathy, 
as  passages  like  the  following  show  : 

"  We  hold  traitors  responsible  for  the  work 
upon  which  they  have  precipitated  us,  and 
we  warn  them  that  they  must  abide  the  full 
penalty.  *  *  *  The  rebels  of  that  State 
(Virginia)  and  Maryland  may  not  flatter 
themselves  that  they  can  enter  upon  a  war 
against  the  Government  and  afterwards  re 
turn  to  quite  and  peaceful  homes.  They 
choose  to  play  the  part  of  traitors,  and  they 
must  suffer  tlie  penalty.  The  worn-out  race 
of  emasculated  tirst  families  must  give  place 
ft)  sturdier  people,  whose  pioneers  are  now  on 
their  way  to  Washington,  at  this  moment,  in 
regiments.  An  allotment  of  land  in  Vir 
ginia  would  be  a  fitting  reward  to  the  brave 
fellows  who  have  gone  to  fight  their  country's 
battles."— From  the  JVew  York  Tribune  of 
April  23,  1861. 

"But  nevertheless  we  mean  to  conquer 
them— not.  merely  to  defeat,  but  to  conquer, 
to  subjugate  them— and  wo  shall  do  this  the 
most  mercifully  the  more  speedily  we  do  it. 
But  when  the  rebellious  traitors  are  over 
whelmed  in  the  field  and  scattered  like  leaves 
before  an  angry  wind,  it  must  not  bo  to  re 
turn  to  peaceful  and  contented  home.  They 
m-ust  find  poverty  at  tneir  firesides,  and  see 
privation  in  the  anxious  eves  of  mothers  and 
the  rags  of  children."— From  the  New  York 
Tribune  cfJUlcuf  1,  1861. 


•LJLVE  INSURRECTIONS— JOHN  CROWN. 

Mr.  Greetey  had  indirectly  sympathized 
•with  John  Brown  in  his  attempt  to  organize 
a  negro  ins-arre«tion  at  Harper's  Ferry,  and 
after  the  breaking  out  of  hostilities  he  was 
evidently  confident  that  the  bloody  scenes  of 
San  Domingo  were  to  be  repeated  through 
out  the  South: 

"The  Inswrvection,  so  called,  at  Harper's 
Ferry,  proves  a  verity.  Old  Brown  of  Osa- 
watarnie,  wfao  was  last  heard  of  on  his  way 
from  Missouri  to  Canada  with  a  band  of  run 
away  slaves,  now  turns  up  in  Virginia,  where 
he  seems  to  have  been  for*  some  months, 
plotting  and  preparing  for  a  general  stam 
pede  of  slaves.  How  he  came  to  be  in  Har 
per's  Ferry,  and  in  possession  of  the  United 
States  Armory,  if  toot  yet  clear  ;  but  he  was 
probably  betrayed  or  exposed,  and  seized  the 
Armory  as  a  place  of  security  until  he  could 
safely  get  away.  The  whole  affair  seems  the 
work  of  a  mad-man;  but  John  Brown  has  so 
often  looked  death  serenely  in  the  face  that 
•what  seems  madness  to  others  doubtless  wore 
a  different  aspect  to  him."— From  the  New 
York  Tribune  of  October  19, 1859. 

DKKlfARK  VESSET. 

"The  narrativeof  Denmark  Yessey's  Insur 
rection  in  South  Carolina,  nearly  forty  years 
ago,  which  wo  publish  this  morning,  has  at 
this  time  a  peculiar  interest.  Not  a  paper 
comes  to  us  from  the  .South  in  which  we  do 
not  find  anxious  endeavors-to  inculcate  the 
conviction  that  the  slaves  are  trustworthy, 
satisfied  with  their  lot,  ready  to  take  arms  in 
defense  of  the  system  beneath  which  they 
languish  in  bondage.  Their  masters  declare 
that  the  enthusiasm  of  their  human  property 
has  to  be  restrained,  and  that  only  the  neces 
sities  of  home  labor 'prevent  them  from  send 
ing  to  the  war  every  able- bodied  slave  they 
possess.  Meanwhile,  they  organize  strong 
guards,  keep  eyer  a  sleepless  eye  on  the  move 
ments  of  tho  negroes,  and  punish  with  more 
than  ordinary  cruelty  the  smallest  offenses 
against  the  Marsh  rales  of  the  plantation. 

"The strange  history  of  the  insurrection 
referred  to  is  t'olfibf  suggestions  which  show 
to  the  people  of  the  South  quite  as  clearly  ae 
to  us  at  the  North  h»w  hollow  and  false  is  all 
the  boasted  confidence  the  former  express, 
and  what  an  appalling  danger  lies  always  in 
wait  at  the  threshold  of  the  slaveholder.  If 
there  were  ever  negroes  who  could  be  trusted 
by  their  masters,  those  engaged  with  Vessey 
in  his  conspiracy  were  they.  The  event 
showed  that  natural  cunoing.sharpened  by  an 
unconquerable  and  overpowering  longing  for 
freedom,  was  there,  as  it  is  now,  more  than  a 
match  for  the  vigilance  of  the  overseer,  and 
that  a  seeming  affection  was  with  them  but  a 
Cloak  for  concealing  plots  of  direst  vengeance. 

"The  system  of  slavery —ever  accursed- 
Las  not  improved  in  ttrese  forty  years.  The 
hand  of  the  taskmaster  has  not  grown  lighter, 
iior  are  the  bonds  worn  with  greater  ease. 
The  nature  of  the  slave  changes  riot,  nor 
does  the  instinctive,  (lod- imparted  craving 


for  freedom  diminish  in  force  as  the^years  of 
toil  run  on.  The  dark  storm-cloud  hangs  to 
day  over  the  South  more  awful  in  its  black 
ness  than  ever  before,  and  the  moment  of  its 
terrible  descent  draws  nearer  with  each  de 
velopment  in  the  rapid  course  ''\>f  passing; 
events.  The  slave-holder,  whether  on  the* 
plantation  or  in  the  populous  city,  knows  this 
well,  and  writhes  beneath  the  knowledge 
with  a  dreary  anxiety  which  noxbravado  can1 
conceal.  If  the  tempest  does  not  break  in 
frightful  power  it  will  be  only  because  an 
arm  mightier  than  the  arm  of  man  is  out 
stretched  to  restrain  \V— From  tho  New  York 
Tribune  of  May  21, 1861. 

EFFECT  OF  EMANCIPATION. 

"There  are  three  and  a  half  millions  of 
slaves  and  half  million  of  free  blacks  in  the 
rebel  States.  Here  are  four  of  the  nine  mil 
lions  now  ruled  by  Jeff,  Davis— is  it,  can  it 
be,  pretended  that  these  will  be  set  against 
us  by  the  proclamation  of  freedom?  Surely 
not. 

"But  the  whites  of  the  South,  it  is  said,  will 
hate  and  fight  us  worse  than  they  have 
done.  How  can  they?  It  was  not  this 
policy  which  impelled  to  the  slaughter  of  the 
Massachusetts  volunteers  in  the  streets  of 
Baltimore.  It  was  not  this  policy  which  led 
the  rebel  soldiery  encamped  at  Bull  Run  last 
winter  to  make  rings  and  other  trinkets  of 
the  bones  of  our  slaughtered  brethren,  dug 
up  for  the  purpose.  It  was  not  this  which 
induced  the  rebels  m  Arkansas  to  shoot  our 
scalded  and  shrieking  soldiers  in  White 
River,  disabled  and  mortally  hurt  by  the  ex 
plosion  of  the  steam-chest  of  their  vessel  by 
a  cannon  shot.  Nor  was  it  the  poiicy  which 
sent  John  Bell,  Alex.  H.  Stephens,  Thomas 
A.  R.  Nelson,  and  so  many  other  vehement 
Unionists  of  two  years  since  over  to  the  re 
bellion,  and  silenced  all  open  repugnance  to 
Disunion  in  the  revolted  States,"— -Prom  the 
New  York  Daily  Tribune,  January  1, 1863. 

RECALLING  SAN  DOMtNOO. 

"It  has  been  estimated  that  in  fifty  years 
the  extreme  Southern  States  will  contain  a 
vast  population  of  slaves,  far  exceeding  the, 
whites  who  own  them.  How  does  any  man 
suppose  that  these  dozftn  million  or  so  of 
slaves  can  be  kept  in  subjection  under  such 
circumstances?  It  is  folly  to  think  of  it. 
They  will  then  have  gained  a  vast  addition^ 
to  their  present  average  of  intelligence;  the 
dangerous  admixture  of  white  Wood  will  be 
infused  among  them  in  greater  proportion, 
and  not  all  the  troops  that  can  be  raised  and 
brought  to  the  field  will  be  sufficient  to  sub 
due  them.  On  this  head  read  the  lesson  of 
St.  Domingo.  When  tho  blacks  there  rose 
upon  their  masters  the  proportion  between 
the  two  was  as  500,000  to  50,000.  The  whites' 
were  driven  from  tho  country  with  horrible'- 
cruelties,  the  natural  revenge  of  a  servile  and', 
oppressed  race.  Powerful  armies  were  sentT 
against  these  revolted  slaves,  millions  upon 
millions  were  spent  for  their  subjugation .s 
but  in  vain.  A  Negro  State  now  occupies' 
the  loveliest  and  most  fertile  of  the  Antilles, 


and  by  a,  natural  sentiment  of  jealousy,  no 
white  "is  permitted  to  become  a  citizen  of  the 
country. 

"A  similar  fato  awaits  the  southern  ex 
tremity  of  the  United  States  unless  the  whites 
are  wise  betimes.  >There  is  no  alternative 
between^mancipation  under  some  form  and 
a  servile  revolt.  Sooner  or  later  it  must 
come,  and  let  those  supporters  of  slavery  who 
are  most  competent  judge  whether  half  a  cen 
tury  is  too  soon  for  its  arrival. 

"Free  the  blacks,  or  in  time  they  will  ter 
ribly  free  themselves.  Men  cannot  be  made 
chattels  forever—  it  is  unsafe  to  suppose  it. 
The  negroes  pf  South  Carolina  and  Missis 
sippi  may  be  docile  and  submissive  now,  but 
they  will  not  be  so  always.  That  is  a  fatal 
delusion  that  cannot  be  too  soon  abandoned." 
—From  tlie  New  York  Tribune  of  May  8. 

ALLIES. 


"Four  Millions  of  sturdy  bondmen,  nearly 
all  residents  of  the  Rebel  States,  stand  wait 
ing  and  wondering  what  is  to  be  their  part  in 
this  contest,  what  their  ad  vantage  therefrom. 
They  form  the  majority  of  the  people  of  South 
Carolina  and  nearly  or  quite  a  majority  of 
those  of  ;the  several  other  revolted  States. 
They  are  about  one-third  of  the  population 
of  Jeff.  Davis'  dominion.  Their  interest  in 
the  struggle  is  practical—  very  practical  in 
deed.  They  want  many  things,  but,  before 
all  else,  LIBERTY.  They  are  willing  to  work 
for  it,  run  for  it,  fight  for  it,  die  for  it.  There 
can  not  be  a  rational  doubt  of  the  ability  of 
the  Government  to  enlist  the  sympathies  and 
the  efforts  of  these  Four  Millions  of  Jeff's 
subjects  on  the  side  of  the  Union  by  simply 
promising  them  Freedom.  Talk  of  confisca 
tion  does  not  move  them,  for  it  involves  the 
idea  of  —  to  their  minds,  at  least—  of  deporta 
tion  and  sale  to  new  masters.  Talk  of  con 
fiscating,  or  even  freeing,  those  only  who 
have  been  employed  in  the  rebel  armies,  does 
not  much  effect  tkem;  for  it  seems  partial, 
timid,  and  selfish.  But  say  to  them  that  all 
whose  masters  are  involved  in  the  rebellion 
shall  be  Free,  and  they  will  feel  that  their 
day  is  at  length  dawning.  They  will  not 
hasten  to  throw  away  their  lives  by  mad, 
senseless  insurrections;  but  they  will  watch 

for  Opportunities  to  oeeapo  and  oomo  \vithin 

our  lines,  bringing  information  certainly,  and 
perhaps  arms  or  other  material  aid.  And  the 
bare  fact  that  their  slaves  are  watching  their 
chances  to  get  away  and  over  to  the  Union 
side,  will  immensely  weaken  the  rebels."— 
From  the  New  York  Tribune  of  December  11, 
1801. 

SUSTAINING  BUTLEIJ. 

Mr.  Greeley  appeared  to  entertain  an  es- 
special  antipathy  against  the  ladies  of  the 
South,  and  when  General  Butler's  New  Or 
leans  order  was  made  tke  subject  of  general 
comment  at  home  and  abroad,  it  was  thus 
defended  in  the  Tribune: 

"Jeff.  Davis  has  said,  in  a  proclamation, 
that  'the  soldiers  of  the  United  States  have 
been  invited  and  encouraged  in  general 


orders  to  insult  and  outrage  the  wive?,  the 
mothers,  and  the  sisters  of  our  citizens.1 

"'  This  is  a  very  wicked  falsehood.  It  was 
by  the  *  wives,'  '  mothers,'  a  ad '  sisters'  afore 
said  that  the  insults  were  given;  it  was  by 
the  'soldiers  of  the  United  States'  that  they 
were  received.  No  single  instance,  is  given 
in  which  a  woman  in  Louisiana  has  been 
wantonly  insulted  by  a  Union  soldier.  But 
it  was  a  part  of  the  regular  tactics  of  the  se 
cessionists  of  New  Orleans  to  incite  their 
women  to  insult  our  unoffending  soldiers 
there  by  every  kind  of  contemptuous,  pro 
voking  grimace,  jeer,  and  gesture,  trusting 
to  their  petticoats  for  impunity.  When  he 
had  borne  quite  enough  of  this  General  But 
ler  brought  it  to  a  sudden  and  full  stop  by 
the  following  order: 

" '  HEADQ'BS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  GULF, 
"May  15,  1862. 

'  'As  the  officers  and  the  soldiers  of  the 
United  States  have  been  subject  to  repeated 
insults  from  women  calling  themselves 
'Ladies  of  New  Orleans,'  ia  return  for  the 
most  scrupulous  non-interference  and  cour 
tesy  on  our  part,  it  is  orderechbereafter  when 
any  female  shall,  by  word,  gesture,  or  move 
ment,  insult  or  show  contempt  for  any  officer 
or  soldier  of  the  United  States,  she  shall  be 
regarded  and  held  liable  to  be  treated  as  a 
woman  of  the  town  plying  ber  vocation. 

'"By  command  of  MAJ.  GEN.  BOTLEK. 

"  'GEO.  C.  STBOKG,  A.  A.  G.' 

"Wehold  this  order  most  righteous,  t  J/;^, 
and  wise.  The  woman  who  seeks  to  attract 
special  attention  in  public  of  men  who  are 
utter  strangers  to  ker  fixes  her  own  position. 
General  Butler  did  but  state  truly  what  that 
position  is.  If  a  rebel  army  should  occupy 
this  city,  and  our  own  women  did  not  refrain 
from  hissing,  flouting,  and  spitting  at  the 
soldiers,  we  would  justify  their  General  ia 
issuing  just  such  a  proclamation  as  General 
Butler's.  No. human  being  has  been  harmed 
in  mind,  body,  or  estate  by  it,  aud  the  abuse 
at  which  it  was  aimed  was  wholly  and  in 
stantly  corrected  by  it.  All  that  Jeff,  really 
has  to  complain  of  is  that  his  women  cam  no 
longer  insult  our  soldiers  with  impunity." — 
From  the  New  York  Tribune 


A  Paris  correspondent  of  the  Tribune,  who 
had  expressed  the  public  sentiment  of  Europe 
concerning  General  Butler's  order,  was.  thus 
rebuked: 

"It  is  a  curious  instance  of  how  much  a, 
man  of  sound  common  sense  may  be  biased 
by  a  popular  clamor  to  see  on  how  wide  a 
tangent  our  lively  Paris  correspondent  flies; 
off  at  the  mere  mention  of  General  Butler  a. 
proclamation  to  the  ill-bred  women  of  New 
Orleans.  He,  in  common  with  all  indignant 
members  of  Parliament  and  the  English 
press,  is  determined  to  believe  that  General 
Butler's  intention  was  to  give  official  notice 
of  the  arrival  of  that  moment  anxiously  in 
quired  for  by  one  of  the  ladies  in '  Don  Juan 
when  the  whole  city  was  to  be  given  up  to 
extremist  1  icense.  We  are  not  surprised  at  this 


in  English  journals;  indeed,  then'  malice  is 
not  capable  of  any  invention  that  can  aston 
ish  us;  and  wo  do  nut  doubt,  as  they  insist 
upon  it  we -are  under  the  dominion  ot  raob- 
law,  that  tho  President's  late  visit  to  West 
Point,  when  lizard  of  in  Europe,  will  be  rep 
resented  as  necessarily  made  in  secret  to  es 
cape  assassination.  Should  our  Paris  corre 
spondent  lend  a  willing  ear  to  a  calumny  so 
outrageous  as  this,  and  yet  so  likely  to  be 
made,  it  would  hardly  surprise  us  more  than 
that  he  should  bo  the  dupe  of  the  silly  outcry 
against  General  Butler."— From  the  A/ew 
York  Tribune,  June  27,  1862. 

SECOND  SOBER  THOUGHT. 

Years  afterward  Mr.  Greeley's  "sober  sec 
ond  thought"  approved  General  Butler's 
order  ill  the  following  editorial  articles: 

'•'One  thing,  however,  we  confess,  surprises 
us.  If  the  little  dogs  consider  General  But 
ler  to  be  the  most  contemptible  of  mankind, 
it  is  very  strange  that  by  their  conspicuous 
and  constant  enmity  they  should  insist  upon 
elevating  him  to  a  position  of  first-rate  pub 
lic  importance.  Some  of  the  gentle-voiced 
damsels  of  the  South  who  thought  that  a  na 
tion  could  be  scolded  into  existence  and  per 
petuity,  nick-named  General  Butler  'the 
Beast;'  and  if  they  found  any  satisfaction  in 
this  spirit  of  feminine  vehemence,  we  dare 
say  the  General  had  no;  -objection  to  their 
amusing  themselves  in  their  own  natural 
way  at  a  time  when  restraint  upon  their 
tongues  might  have  resulted  in  mortal  in 
ward  agitations.  It  is  true  that  the  sensitive 
creatures  were  not  allowed  to  insult  Union 
soldiers  in  the  street,  but  how  they  must  have 
chattered  and  chided  in  the  privacy  of  the 
boudoir  1  How  particular  they  must  have 
grown  in  their  zoological  classification,  se 
lecting  those  animals  which  were  their  pet 
aversions,  or  which  they  regarded  with  re 
spectful  timidity,  and  applying  their  names 
to  the  unfortunate  major  general!  We 
shouldn't  wonder  if  in  this  way  poor  Butler 
was  sometimes  likened  to  a  rhinocerous,  or 
perhaps  a  hippopotamus!  Foitunately,  if 
these  indignities  were  ever  inflicted,  they  did 
not  come  to  his  ears.  They  might  have 
broken  his  heart. 

"The  Government  confided  to  General 
Butler  a  somewhat  thankless  task— the  restor 
ation  of  law  and  order  in  a  city  not  particu 
larly  law-abiding  and  orderly  in  the  best  of 
time?,  and  at  that  critical  moment  full  of  des 
perate  adventurers  and  turoulent  ruffians, 
who,  for  months,  had  been  unchecked  in  their 
career  of  licentiousness  and  brutal  audacity. 
The  service  was  undertaken,  and  no  man  can 
sav  without  falsehood  that  it  was  not  per 
formed  with  all  possible  consideration  for  the 
feelings  of  tbe  peaceable  citizens,  and  with 
out  any  consideration  whatever  for  the  feel 
ings  of  the  openly  traitorous,  the  secretly 
knavish,  and  the  impudently  violent,  it  was 
impossible  for  General  Butler  to  please  those 
who  persisted  in  calling  themselves 'a  con 
quered  people.'  It  was  equally  impossible 
for  him  to  please  those  Northern  sympathi- 
.  zers  who  were  sorry  that  New  Orleans  had 
fallen  into  our  hands  at  all."— From  tht  New 
Tribune,  August  28. 1868. 


ANOTHEii  ENDORSKMKJTf. 

"The  heartv,  emphatic  good  will  where 
with  General  Butler  is  regarded  by  the  great 
mass  of  the  loyal  upholders  of  our  country's 
integrity  in  her  late  struggle,  rests  on  very 
intelligible  grounds.  They  like  him  for  rea- 
sons  identical  with  those  which  impel  the 
rebels  and  pro-rebels  to  hate  him  so  intensely. 
Though  his  military  career  was  not  in  all  re 
spects  brilliant,  and  though  a  part  of  it  sub 
jected  him  to  the  unflattering  ciiticism  of 
General  Grant,  it  is  certain  that  the  expedi 
tion  to  Ship  Island  and  New  Orleans  was 
substantially  projected  and  executed  by  him, 
and  that  its  success  gave  tbe  Rebellion  the 
heaviest  and  most  damaging  blow  that  it  re 
ceived  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  war. 
In  wresting  irrevocably  from  tho  Confeder 
acy  its  most  wealthy  and  populous  city,  its 
commercial  focus  and  storehouse.  General 
Butler  did  it  greater  material  and  moral 
damage  than  it  received  at  Donelson,  Shiloh, 
Antietam,  or  Murfreesborough. 

"But  it  is  not  the  material  value  of  his  mil 
itary  services  that  has  most  commended  the 
elder  of  the  Massachusetts  major  generals  to 
the  popular  heart.  The  masses  recognize 
and  admire  in  him  the  first  leader  of  our 
forces  who  evinced  a  clear  comprehension  of 
the  nature  and  animus  of  the  rebellion,  and 
the  ability  and  will  to  deal  with  them  as 
they  deserved.  Up  to  the  outbreak  of  this 
war  General  Butler  had,  through  life,  been 
the  political  intimate  and  ally  of  'the  Chiv 
alry,'  and  understood  them  like  a  brother. 
He  comprehended  from  the  start  that  their 
preposterous  assumptions  of  sooial  superior 
ity  must  be  met  at  the  threshold,  and  utterly- 
defied  and  trampled  on. 

"His  polite  but  firm  refusal  at  an  early  day 
to  return  Major  Cary's  fugitive  negroes,  on 
the  just  and  solid  ground  that  they  were 
'contraband  of  war,'  like  horses  or  intrench 
ing  tools,  showed  him  the  man  for  the  occa 
sion.  His  stern  dealings  with  tho  New  Or 
leans  gambler  who  tore  down  the  American 
flag  after  it  had  been  hoisted  by  our 
forces  over  a  city  fairly  wou  by  their 
valor,  and  his  famous  'Order  No.  28,' 
advising  the  she-secesh  of  that  city  that  they 
could  no  longer  wantonly  insult  our  soldiers 
with  impunity,  were  moral  victories  for  the 
Union  arms  of  signal  value  and  promise. 
They  made  plain  to  the  most  stolid  apprehen 
sion  the  fact  that  territory  fairly  recovered/ 
from  the  rebellion  was  no  longer  a  part  ot  'the 
Confederacy,  and  could  not  be  used  lor  the 
prosecution  of  its  warfare,  at  le^.st  while 
under  tho  command  of  -General  But- 
ier.  That  the  Rebels  should  hiss  and 
howl,  foara  and  rave  whenever  and 
wherever  they  might  yafely  do  so,  was  a 
matter  of  course;  that  they  should  accuse  the 
man  they  so  detested  of  sfcealingthe  spoons 
they  never  had,  was  paltry,  if  you  will,  bat 
very  human.  Well  might  they  setp,  price  on 
could  not  match— a  head  illuminated  by  eyes 
the  head  so  prolific  of  devices  which  they 
which  they  could  execrate  and  caricature  as 
malformed  and  hideous,  but  which  they 
could  not  curse  into  blindness  to  any  of  their 
traitorous  plots  or  contrivances." — Jfr&m  th,*, 
New  York  Tribune.,  Nbwmfar  6,  1868, 


BOW  HE  SLANDERED  SOOTHEHNDEMOCBATS. 

"To  'love  rum  and  hate  niggers'  basso  fcmg 
fceen  the  essence  of  the  Democratic  faith  that 
the  cooler,  wiser  heads  of  the  party  vainly 
(spend  their  streqgth  in  efforts  to  lift  it  out  of 
the  rut  in  which  they  plainly  see  that  it  can 
only  run  to  perdition.  While  Slavery  en 
dured  negro  hate  was  an  element  of  positive 
^strength  in  our  political  contests,  so  that  the 
Constitutional  Conventions  of  this  and  other 
free  States  $Bre  usually  carried  by  the  Dem- 
iDcrats  on  the  strength  of  appeals  to  the 
fCoarser  and  baser  whites  to  'let  the  nigger 
fenowhkplace.'''—M>W7J0,  April  7,  1871. 

Mr.  Greeley  was  an  early  denunciator  of 
(the  Kuklux  demonstrations,  and  while  urg 
ing  their  suppression  by  martial  law,  he  did 
<not  lose  sight  of  his  Protection  theory. 

THE  KtTKLUX  KLAN. 

"The  present  Kuklux  demonstrations  at 
the  South  are  simply  a  mere  cowardly  phase 
jbf  the  Rebellion.  They  are  a  fulfillment  of 
jthe  Rebel  menace  that  the  civil  war  could 
?and  should  be  prosecuted  for  twenty  years 
Rafter  the  overthrow  and  dispersion  of  the 
jEebel  armies.  Its  object  is  to  '  let  the  nigger 
3mow  his  place/  which,  now  as  ever,  in  the 
iRebel  conception,  is  under  the  heel  of  the 


"Until  this  skulking  warfare  with  masks, 
dnstead  of  banners  and  torches  in  place  of 
•grenades,  shall  have  been  somehow  termi- 
oiated,  the  Republican  party  can  not  change 
:!ts  attitude,  nor  can  it  give  that  attention 
and  emphasis  to  questions  of  political  econ 
omy  and  finance  which  the  public  good  im 
peratively  requires.  Pledged  by  all  its  glo 
rious  past  to  inflexible  and  paramount  fidelity 
to  the  rights  of  man,  it  'can  not  while  these 
are  assailed  and  imperiled  devote  much  at 
tention  to  the  policy  of  raising  or  lowering 
the  imposts  now  payable  on  the  importation 
of  iron,  or  fabrics,  or  sugar.  And,  in  the 
absence  of  such  attention,  there  is  great 
danger  that  unwise  and  injurious  changes  in 
the  tariff  may  be  made,  which,  if  their  na 
ture  and  bearings  were  fully  understood, 
would  be  condemned  and  defeated."—  From 
ite  New  York  Tribune  of  March,  11,  1871. 

ITHE   KUKLUX    AMD   THE   COMING  ELECTION. 

4  'That  men  are  daily  killed  throughout 
most  of  the  Southern  States,  because  they 
are  Republicans,  is  just  as  suro  as  tiro  fact 
that  those  States  were  lately  the  arena  of  a 
great  civil  war.  There  has  been  not  less 
than  five  thousand  negroes  killed  because  of 
their  color  and  their  politics  in  these  States 
since  General  Grant's  election;  and  not  one 
white  Southron  has  been  punished  for  such 
murder.  Nay,  the  brutal  murderer  of  a  white 
military  officer  at  Vicksburg,  Miss.,  walks 
the  streets  of  that  city  as  freely  and  proudly 
as  though  he  were  the  hero  of  some  great 
Confederate  victory. 

"  Gentlemen  opposite  1  we  respectfully 
warn  you  that  you  are  making  up  a  record 
that  will  expose  you  to  a  fearful  judgment, 
in  the  next  Presidential  election.  The  people 
cf  the  United  States  do  not  believe  in  whole 


sale  assassination  as  a  political 
Mid  will  uphold  no  party  that  resorts  tfr 
You  may  carry  most  of  the  intervening  ele- 
tions,  when  the  issue  is  not  distinctly  and 
vigorously  pressed  home  upon  the  masses  j 
but,  when  we  come  to  1873,  vpu  will  as 
suredly  be  beaten  by  the  votes  ot  men  who 
are  not  politicians  and  are  no-w  not  voting  at 
all.  We  shall  only  have  to  drive  home  the 
facts  Which  prove  your  complicity  in  the 
crimes  now  convulsing  the  South,  and  you 
will  inevitably  go  under.  If  you  succeed  in 
defeating  legislation  to  protest  the  loyal  men 
of  the  South  from  the  crimes  to  which  they  are 
now  exposed  and  subjected,  your  fourth  suc 
cessive  discomfiture  in  a  Presidential  struggle 
will  be  signal  and  conclusive."—-  From  the 
New  York  Tribune  efMwcbte,  1871, 


Mr.  Greeley  continued  up  to  the  spring 
of  the  present  year  to  urge  the-  punishment 
of  those  who  had  been  arrested  by  the  Fed 
eral  authorities  as  connected  with  the  Ku 
klux  demonstrations.  The  following  article 
is  but  one  of  many  of  a  similar  import  : 

"The  Kuklux  trials  which  have  just  been 
concluded  at  Columbia,  S.  O.^  reveal  a  social 
condition  in  that  State,  which  shows  how  low 
down  are  still  the  poor  whites*  whose  pov- 
ertv  and  ignorance  were  part  of  the  slave 
system.  These  trials  showed  too,  how  the 
vindictive  hatred  of  freedom  etill  clings  to 
the  higher  classes  of  the  South,  and  how 
easy  it  is  for  the  ex-slaveholder  to  turn  his 
oppression  of  the  black  man  against  the  low 
class  which  befriended  him  or  hesitates  to 
join  in  organized  society  to  drive  him  out. 
Nobody  can  say  that  these  trials  have  not 
been  fairly  conducted.  Tho  prisoners  were 
defended  by  such  eminent;  tegal  counsel  as 
the  Hon.  Henry  Stanbery,  ex-Attorney  Gen 
eral  of  the  United  States,  and  the  Hon.  Rev- 
erdy  Johnson.  But  the  testimony  brought 
out  overwhelmed  all  argument,  and  forty- 
seven  of  these  wretches  confessed  their 
crimes  in  open  court,  six  others  were  con 
victed,  and  seventy-two  indictments,  embrac 
ing  over  five  hundred  persons,  were  found. 
The  story  of  brutality,  crime,  violence,  and 
moral  degradation  made  up  from  the  revela 
tions  of  the  witnesses  is  too  revolting  for  re 
cital;  it  is  a  dark  chapter  in  tfee  history  of 
civilization;  it  is  a  burning  disgrace  to  the 
party  which  organized  tbe  coaspiracy,  aided 
and  abetted  i  to  agents,  and  did  its  best  to 
suppress  the  evidence  now  published  to  the 
world."—  From  the  Nm  York  Tribune  of  Jan 
uary  10,  1872. 

So  might  the  record  be  continued  through 
almost  countless  pages  of  the  earno  sort  of 
nnuendo,  accusation,  slander,  and  libe). 
These  things  establish  the  aptness  of  an  epi 
gram  once  launched  against  him  by  one,  now 
a  leading  admirer,  which  runs  in  this  wise  — 

"HORACE  GEEELEY, 


OF  THE  NEW  YORK  TRIBUTE, 
FIR8T  IN  PEACE  ;   LAST  IN  WAJ5  }  AND  LEAST 
TN  THE  H^W-TS  OF  HIS  COUNTimfK^.  " 


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